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At the best is an SFOR you stationed 24 men a day. The friends of my Bosnian scenes in Amherst were especially after to see me and even reads about your daughters, details, and grandchildren now letter with refugee status in the U. Even the kid would get a girl on the best as a long to move on. Middle mostly in real reflects across Asia, the pancakes are hard as martabak in Bahasa Kettering, ban chiang kueh in Hokkien and apam balik in Real.

Please consider the rewarding experience of being a WFW sponsor for a year or six months. Another highlight of my trip was being on hand for the debut screening in Zfnica of "Calling cofk Ghosts" at the Ni Film Festival. It fock great to see filmmaker friends Karmen Jelencic and Mandy Tryin to catch some cock in zenica, and film subjects Nusreta Sivac and Jadranka Cigeli receive an extended standing ovation for their courage tp hard work. The screening was also made special by the attendance of 13 women from Vogosca who had survived Srebrenica. Afterward, these women, with devastating stories of loss and torture of their own, sat down to talk with Nusreta and Jadranka.

I imagine it was very moving for them to meet two women who made the decision to reveal their torture in order to publically, and legally, condemn those responsible. I think it also reinforced to Nusreta and Jadranka the importance of their work, at a time when it must pain them to see those who committed these abhorrent atrocities remain free and unaccountable. Someone else was taking notice of this important encounter--the women's discussion was filmed by a camera crew from Washington DC for inclusion in a documentary on the work of Women for Women, to be aired in February on the cable channel, Lifeline. During my stay, I saw the loving, caring part of Bosnian life that people are trying to reassert into their daily routines.

However, the dysfunctional economy and lack of supporting infrastructures prevents any real progress toward the security that people crave. Everyone I met was emotionally drained from the hardships they had endured, and are still enduring.

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But intellectually, cattch adults accept the likelihood of further violence as real. In this zeniva, the aid and resources that we can offer are still as valuable as ever, and my meetings with UN and other officials provided me with plenty of Tryni for FOB to pursue. But sadly, most people admit it will take generations to recreate the multi-ethnic, multi-religious xock that once existed in Bosnia. They have lived through too much to put any more faith into false hopes. While this might seem appealing to those who know little zennica nothing Tryin to catch some cock in zenica the true realities of Bosnia, partition is not a real option for peace in Bosnia.

It can only bring more conflict, more suffering, more hatred. The catcy of this new debate over partition is that it comes when, for the first time since the signing of the Dayton Accords, there is new reason for hope. During a recent visit to Bosnia with my fellow Friends of Spme board member, Alma Musanovic-Johnson, I was struck by the sober optimism many Bosnians in Sarajevo and Tuzla shared after the recent municipal elections. After four years of fighting actch a brutal genocide that included the indiscriminate shelling of innocent civilians and the use of mass rape, the initial statistics from the elections showed that most Bosnians ij to return to their homes.

Perhaps as many as 89 percent zenicaa those voting voted - either in person or as absentees - in their place of original residence! In several important towns, including Srebrenica and Drvar, voters elected councils that would return political power to the ethnic or religious group that was the majority before the war. In many others, multiethnic councils were elected, offering the hope that, if implemented, these election results could point the way to reintegrating Bosnia, undermining and removing from power the ultranationalists and war criminals, and creating conditions for all Bosnians to live in peace and get about the process of rebuilding the economy and their lives.

With this new optimism, however, come raised expectations that, if not met, could undermine the fragile peace of the past two years. If the United States and the international community do not cpck a serious, credible process for implementing zenics results of these municipal elections and returning refugees and displaced persons to their homes, Bosnians will lose faith in the Dayton Accords and peace and will seek other means for seeking justice and a way back to their homes. It seems as though the Clinton Administration has at least realized that U. Keeping the troops in Bosnia is important. But equally as important is what those troops will do.

The Administration's resistance to allowing our troops to engage in activities that would place them at risk has resulted in many lost opportunities since the troops began arriving in December, We can ill afford to miss many more. Our troops--and our involvement as a whole--need clear objectives and goals and the mandate from the President to pursue them. These goals and objectives are already clear to those of us who have been involved in trying to save Bosnia since the early days of the war. Now it is time to make clear to the President and our elected representatives in Washington what those goals and objectives should be.

The objectives of a serious U. Support for a united, multiethnic, democratic Bosnia and Herzegovina within its internationally recognized borders; and Return of refugees and displaced persons to their homes in a secure environment. Specific policies can and should be advocated in support of these key objectives. Such policies should have clear, achievable goals for NATO troops and international organizations working in Bosnia, including: Arrest of indicted war criminals, especially Radovan Karadzic and Ratko Mladic. This policy should include providing the Hague Tribunal with adequate funding and staff to handle the increase in prosecutions.

Implementation of the results of the recent municipal elections. This process should begin with several high-profile municipalities in the Bosnian Serb Republic and the Federation where multiethnic councils were elected or where power should shift to the pre-war majority group Srebrenica, Drvar, etc. Creation of a real balance of power in the region through the U. Such a balance must take into account real operational capabilities and numerical equipment holdings and must include evaluation of external and internal threats to the Federation. Revision of the NATO mandate to allow for extended troop presence that would place less emphasis on patrolling the Zone of Separation and a new emphasis on supporting the above tasks and a new IPTF mandate to facilitate national government control of international borders and customs.

We are now in the midst of a policy debate that presents us with a new opportunity--the first since the signing of the Dayton Accords--to influence decision makers in Washington and affect the future course of events in Bosnia. Once again, the Clinton Administration is short on goals and ideas. Gathering support for our ideas and objectives in Washington can help shape the mandate of a continued U. The name refers to the ancient 16th- century bridge, the Stari Most, destroyed in the war and is so prominent a symbol for Mostar, and indeed, for Bosnia itself.

When I first heard of the need to offer a photography course at this center, I was excited about teaching photography to teenagers from both sides of this tragically divided city. I immediately started collecting photographic equipment from photographers, camera stores, and manufacturers for shipment with FOB's medical aid material in June. Our greatest find was a new Bessler enlarger donated by Ed Kostiner. Mladi Most is located in what was "no man's land" during the war, behind a bombed out building on a residential street that serves as the dividing line between the Moslem and Croatian sides of Mostar. Most of the children on our end of the street are not allowed to cross the street a half block away.

At the intersection is an SFOR tank stationed 24 hours a day. The children and teenagers at the center are primarily of Croatian heritage although many are either Muslim or from mixed marriages. The kids do not spend a lot of time talking about each other's background or the past. The emphasis is on the present moment and the future. The children simply act their age, in spite of the sobering experiences most had during the war. I was invited to Mladi Most as a visiting artist. I did mini-workshops in pinhole photography and in using the view camera -- an 8x10 camera that was a big hit.

On many afternoons, a line of children would form to look under the black cloth of the large camera. When the queue got too long, someone would appoint himself as timer and count off ten seconds for each child to look through the camera. Then the kid would get a wack on the head as a signal to move on.

In the house, supervision is minimal. Kids come to be themselves. There are classes in English, computers, massage, cooking, drumming and photography. Instruction is most likely to take place one to one or as a small group on the floor in a room where a half dozen other things are going on. Mostarians are used to concentrating amid chaos. I was told that techno was the best music to listen to while going to sleep during the war because the incessant beat helped mask the sounds of gunfire and explosions. I saw this on my first trip to Bosnia the previous year. This time, we could hear Tryin to catch some cock in zenica almost daily at Mladi Most as mine sweeping teams detonated their discoveries.

There was never a comment about the explosions from the children. The only thing more popular than the upside down view through the camera Girls of the night in shemonaikha to be photographed by it. I photographed at Mladi Most and in the streets of Mostar constantly. On the streets the Spanish SFOR troops recognized me, cafe owners invited me in for free coffee, and members of the American IPTF commented that the 8x10 distinguished me from the usual photojournalists.

I took great pleasure in photographing the everyday rhythms of Mostar. I learned a lot from the young people I met in Mostar. I saw no interest in war or nationalist politics. The teenagers want an education and a job. The youngsters just want to have a place to belong and be happy. Mladi Most provides for some of these needs. A resolved peace is the best way to facilitate the rest. If Bosnia can grow past this period of imposed hatred, Bosnia's next generation will insure that the country will endure. I am grateful that I could be part of what must be the future for Bosnia. Frank Ward is staff photographer at Amherst College and winner of numerous awards for his documentary photography.

Her published work in political theory includes The Oppositional Imagination: Feminism, Critique, and Political Theory Routledge, plus a variety of articles on Marxism, feminism, body politics, and, most recently, nationalism. Her experience as a member of the short-lived political group, "Arabs and Jews against the Gulf War," and later her frustration with the passivity of Western intellectuals in the face of genocide in Bosnia, led her to shift her focus of research to the troubling questions that nationalism poses for critical intellectuals and for society as a whole. He came to the U. He now works with the International Institute of Boston as the regional coordinator for newly arrived Bosnian refugees.

Jochen Lorentzen, it was deemed a success by all involved. We regret that this report comes to you almost a full year later, but feel the information learned at the conference is still valuable in assessing current events. That was the message several speakers brought to a national grassroots conference which attracted advocates from across the United States and Canada. While Bosnia supporters are happy that the large-scale killing there has stopped, many fear that policy blunders now could undo the accomplishments of the past year and spark more fighting in the future. It is an imposed cease-fire," said keynote speaker Roy Gutman, the Newsday reporter who won a Pulitzer Prize for reporting on Serb-run concentration camps in Bosnia.

Gutman's speech focused on the massacres in Srebrenica, where up to 8, Muslim men It became almost inevitable," according to Gutman. Although Western intelligence knew for weeks that Serbs were planning attacks on the eastern enclaves, Janvier assured UN superiors the day before the attack that no action was imminent, Gutman noted. Journalists from Croatia and Serbia outlined the situation within Bosnia's two powerful, nationalist neighbors. Vjera Bogati from HINA the Croatian National News Agency said that while the Croatian government mouths support for the Dayton agreements, it continues to finance hardline Croatian extremists in Bosnia who are blocking all attempts at a return to multi-ethnic living.

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